Introduction of Fri Jati 

Ethnic identity of “Pheriwala” Jogi community in Nepal

Ethnic identity of “Pheriwala” Jogi community in Nepal

1. Introduction

“Pheriwala” Jogi community is one of the excluded and minority ethnic groups in Nepal. This community is in the position of socially and politically excluded, economically marginalized and ultra poor, demographically minority and ethnically without defined ethnic identity. The distinct socio-cultural identity and ethnicity of this community has not been recognized by the state that would have eventually placed them out of the broader social groups of Nepal, such as Brahmin-Chhetris-Thakuri-Dashnami Sanyasi, Janajati, Dalit and Madheshi. Because of this identity crisis, the Jogi community has been left out in the current development processes through political, economic and social exclusion. This community has remained unlisted and unrecognized by the government. The Pheriwala Jogi does not have access to inclusion initiatives of government and I/NGOs for excluded groups, due to the lack of state recognition and exclusion from the official list of excluded groups. Hence, the recognition of their ethnic identity would lead them for development mainstream. There is no anthropological written document on the socio-cultural identity of this community till date and the census or other surveys have not comprised its demographic and socio-economic data. An in-depth knowledge about the ethnic history, culture, ritual, traditions of Pheriwala Jogi is still lacking. Consequently, this article is written to highlight the ethnic origin and socio-cultural identity of Pheriwala Jogi. The identity of “Pheriwala” is derived from the “Pheri” culture. "Pheri culture" is socially recognized as the social protection system from the evil spirits in Nepalese society. The Pheri culture, "Bhairung" (ancestral origin) based egalitarian social organization, animist/shamanist religious belief and ethno-spiritual faith healing traditions of this community constitute their distinct ethnicity and identity. Hence, this article aims at filling a void in the ethnographic knowledge and ethnic identity of culturally distinct and historically separate peoples-Pheriwala Jogi who inhabit in almost 24 districts east of Kathmandu. 

2. Ethnic history of “Pheriwala” Jogi community

There is no evident fact about the origin and history of Pheriwala Jogi community because there hasn’t been any detailed anthropological study on this community conducted yet. The myths of origin and history exist among Pheriwala Jogi people; however, they are only in oral form. The meaning, origin and evolution of the term “Jogi” is not very clear.  It is most commonly being used as an adjective word describing the state of a person who either has nothing or has lost all belongings. The term “Jogi” refers to the status of an empty hand, or a person who has given up the family relations or is far from the social responsibilities. Broader Nepali Dictionary (2002) has mentioned roughly the same meaning of the term “Jogi”, “Sadhu”, “Santa” and “Sanyasi”. The dictionary defines the term Jogi as the state of having nothing or being empty, Sadhu as the person who lives with meditation giving up the family relations, sexual relations and social life, Santa as the person who is involved in religious activities without getting involved in household matters and Sanyasi as the person who has given up the family life and household matters. Due to the almost identical meaning of these words/terms, all the priests, temple Mahantas, the Sadhus, Santas and Babas taking shelter in various temples and all the beggars are also known as Jogi. Nevertheless, the Pheriwala Jogi people are very far away from the above definition and meaning. 

The elders Jogi people tell different myths, legends and stories about the origin of Pheriwala Jogi people. However, Sharma (1982) and Briggs (1973) have provided the portrait of their origin in Nepal from the anthropological and historical perspective. Regarding history of origin of Pheriwala Jogi people, according to Sharma (1982) there was influence of Kanphata Yogi of Nath Sampradaya in Nepal in the ancient time. They were known as Nath-Yogis. Nath-Yogis acknowledged themselves as disciples of Saint Gorakhnath. There is influence of Shaivism and Vajrayana among Nath Sampradaya. That is why they used to believe in ‘Panchamkar’ (Liquor/Alcohol, Meat, Fish, Mudra and Copulation/coitus- Maithun). Nath-yogis believe in Hathyoga and they are the follower of ‘Panchamkar’. Thus, they used to accept women offered by others for devotion/penance (sadhana). The women used to be called Mudra or Sadhya. There was adequate influence of this kind of Kanphata Yogis in Nepal. After standstill of mall’s influence in Karnali region, there was hegemony of those Kanphata Yogis. Chandannath, one of the Nath-Yogi, united the stippled states and established Jumla state, which he later handed over to Balirajshahi in 1404. Similarly, King Ratnanath/Ratannath had established Dang and Salyan states. Saint Bhagawantanath was the last representative of King Ratannath and he was in existence till the time of Pritvi Narayan Shah. He was highly respected by Pritvi Narayan Shah and used to be addressed by “Shree Chha Maharaj”. After 1766, Pritvi Narayan Shah maintained friendly relationship with Bhagawanta nath and used him to expand his relation with states in Karnali province (Yogi 2022BS: 458 & 459). 

During the existence of Gorakhnath (8^th-12^th centuries-BC) in Nepal, the Nath cult underwent its greatest expansion; there was massive gathering of people (Nath-Yogis) for devotion (sadhana) through hath-yoga mainly in Karnali and mid-west region of Nepal. The slavery system was abolished only in 1934 in Nepal (1981 Mangsir 14 B.S). Before this, every well-off family had male and female slaves/servants. Most of the slaves/servants women and men were belonging to Tharu, Magar and Gharti ethnic groups. The social status of those slaves/servants was lower than animals. Many of the slaves/servants became the followers of Nath-Sampradaya because their social status was then upgraded. At the same time, they used to be offered by the well-off families as Sadhya or Mudra to the Nath Sampradaya to acquire supernatural power/perfection (Siddhi/Siddha). Hence, the number of women had risen due to the acceptance of slave women as Mudra or Sadhya. These women were usually later converted into Rakhautis (illegal wives). Being Rakhauti of Nath Yogis, they gave birth to their children. Being follower of ‘Panchamkar’ including Maithun, the other slaves/servants men also established illegal sexual relationship with the women who gave birth to more children. Gradually, the number of illegal children became high. 

There was a growing need of a social arrangement for those descendents of slaves. Then, guru Gorakhnath called them Kambar (Kanwar) Jogi because they were not allowed for internal observance of Nath Yogis (Karma chalaune process) by piercing ear lobe (Bouillier, 1993). The offspring/descendents of Nath Sampradaya typically enter into internal observance by piercing their ear lobe. The Kanwar Jogis (Karma Nachaleka progenies of slaves) were disqualified to collect alms at the day time, as the Kanphata Nath Yogis do because their status is significantly lower than the status of Kanphata Yogis. Gorakhnath recognized them as disciples and provided them the responsibility of protecting human beings from all the evil spirits and ghosts by respecting earth and nature. Therefore, the Karma Nachalne men and women were released from the world of Kanphata Yogis (Nath-Yogis) and sent to Eastern part of Nepal to perform their duty. The Karma Nachalne Jogi people were the descendents of Tharu and Magar women slaves. The Tharu women with their children were accepted by other Tharu men in the Tarai, so they did not follow the Pheri culture, but their clan names remained Jogi, following their internal social system. Consequently, today the names of Tharu sect/clans are found as Kanphata, Jogi, Mahanta and Bhagat. They are the offspring of the Karma Nachaleka Jogi people released from the world of Kanphata Yogis, who still respect and worship to Gorakhnath and Ratannath (Sharma, 1982:360).

The remaining Karma Nachaleka Jogi people; descendents of Magar women slaves; were divided into 52 clans/tribes. They agreed to accept the Gorakhnath’s responsibility. Gorakhnath was enriched with magical and special tantric power to protect the human, earth and nature.  A system of blowing Pheri in night time twice a year to protect the human beings from evil spirits and collecting alms (Nevadan or Sidha) on the following day was arranged for those Karma Nachaleka Jogi people. Gorakhnath provided them with spiritually spelled “Pheri” (a horn of Barath/Krishnasar – a blackbuck), tantric spells (mantras) and Bhairung (as sub-tribe of Jogi people) name with special divine powers against ghosts and evil spirits to them. As a result, the ancestral origin (Kul) of Pheriwala Jogi is known as Bhairung. Due to the Pheri culture/tradition or ritual, they were identified as Pheriwala Jogi. Then, they travelled to the Eastern part of Nepal and resided in the hills in scattered numbers, as they divided the certain geographical areas to each tribe for conducting Pheri ritual. According to the history, the Pheriwala Jogi community came to the east during 8^th to 12^th centuries (BC). Initially, Pheriwala Jogi’s ancestors inhabited few villages of 17 hill districts east from Kathmandu valley (Lalitpur, Sindhupalchowk, Kavrepalanchok, Makawanpur, Ramechhap, Sindhuli, Okhaldhunga, Solukhumbu, Khotang, Udayapur, Sankhuwasabha, Tehrathum, Dhankuta, Bhojpur, Taplejung, Panchthar and Ilam) in Nepal and in Darjeeling district of West Bangal and Sikkim sate in India. Later, some of the Jogi families migrated to Eastern Tarai districts: Jhapa, Morang and Sunsari from hill districts.

According to various legends (http://gorakhnath.org/legend.php), Gorakhnath (also known as Gorakshanath) existed between 8^th to 12^th centuries BC.  One legend states that Guru Gorakshanath, the "eternal sage" traditionally associated with Hath Yoga (one of the branches of Yogic practices) spent most of the time in meditation, watching the welfare of humanity for thousands of years. Initially, Gorakhnath was the inventor of Vajrayoga and Vajrayana (Tantric and Mantrayana), one of the doctrines of Buddhism among three Triyana: (a) Hinayana (b) Mahayana and (c) Vajra Yana. Later on, Gorakhnath was connected to Shaivism, considering Shiva as one of the two most important disciples of Matsyendranath. Then, Gorakhnath developed the two different disciples for Shaivism and Tantrism/Vajrayana. Nath Sampradaya (Nath-Yogi) is the follower of Shaivism. Gorakhnath had instigated the system of Karma Chalaune (eligible for cultural rituals) by piercing ear lobe in Nath Yogi Community to become Gorakhnath’s disciple and to enter into meditation process. By this, Nath-yogis were known as Kanphata Yogis (ear split Yogis). 

The above description of historical juncture provides an overview of the origin and evolution of Pheri culture and Pheriwala Jogi community as a distinct ethnicity.  To support this history of origin, Jogi elders say that there were two-way marital relationships between Jogi and Magar even up to last seven to eight generations and most of the women who married with Jogi men were Magar, nine to ten generations back. The Pheriwala Jogis continued performing Pheri culture, based on animism/shamanism, and maintained alcohol/liquor drinkers, non-Tagadhari (non-wearers of holy cord) and non-arya ethnic identity (key informant interview and study of life history, 2011). 

A race is defined as a group of people with certain common inherited features that distinguish them from other groups of people. The most significant differences between the races are language, hair and facial features, skin colour. However, based on the circumstances resulting in the origin of Pheriwala Jogi people, they are not inherited from a particular race. Like most of the ethnic groups, they did not inherit all the characteristics of one group only. Pheriwalas were swelled by the unions between an Indo-Aryan male and women from Tibeto-Burman speaking ethnic groups such as Magar, Gharti and Tharu; and between male and female from Mongolian race (Magar, Tharu). The physical appearance, hair, facial features and skin colour of Jogi people are like Mongolian race people. Furthermore, a sociologist, Max Weber (1922) differentiated between racial and ethnic identity by proposing that a blood relationship was necessary for racial identification but not for ethnic identification.

From the beginning, Pheriwala Jogi people are religiously animist/shamanist, believe in tantric healing practices, alcohol/liquor drinker (matwali) and non-tagadhari (no-wearer of sacred thread) ethnic people. As per the socio-cultural relationship of Jogis with other social group, Jogis fall under the Matwali groups.  By origin, Pheriwala Jogis were the spiritual disciples of tantric inventor Gorakhnath, but not the Shaivism follower. They are non-Hindu community, as the Pheri culture and spiritual faith healing practices are based on animism/shamanism and tantrism, which are as such religious doctrines. With the separate ethnic origin, Pheriwala Jogis are not part of Hindu Varna caste system (Brahmin, Chhetris, Vaishya and Sudra).

3. Social organization

When we look at the Pheriwala Jogi society, it appears to be based on beliefs of equality. In this sense the Jogi society is an egalitarian society. Though they have a clan organization having 52 Bhairungs, yet hierarchy is not found among them. Clan/Bhairung as a system is very important in Jogi society to maintain social relationship with one another. The Jogi society is divided into many clans/sub-clans and finally into lineage. 

"Clan" connotes the smallest patrilineal descent groups, a specific name, having a generational depth also representing, in ideal terms, the agnatic exogamous unit (Gaenszle 2000). The Jogi people are divided into a number of named units as bansha (ancestral origin), which can be considered as a clan. Over the years the clan has become dispersed, and the names of Bhairungs/clans have been forgotten. Pheriwala Jogi people call “Bhairung” to refer to their clan, sub-tribe or bansha. Bhairung is considered as ancestral origin or Kul in this community. There are 52 clans (sub-tribes) or bhairungs in Pheriwala Jogi community, which is also mentioned in their spells/mantras to be chanted at the time of Pheri ritual. It is believed that every bhairung has a divine power to protect its descendents from evil spirits i.e. ghosts, illness, crisis, famine or other scarcities. Collective power of bhairungs can protect all human beings from evil spirits. 

 

Pheriwala Jogi people generally only write “Jogi” as their family name or surname in the formal documents i.e. citizenship certificates, land ownership certificates, academic certificates etc. While the Jogi people meet, they do not know each other's clan or bhairung because usually they leave out their clan names as surname. In that case, they ask each other's Bhairung's name, which would point out from which sub-tribe they, are and their relationship (ancestral or marriageable). The names of clans/bhairungs are generally derived from the names and forms of evil spirits and natural powers.

According to the of Pheriwala Jogi customary law, a marriage between the same clan is not permissible at any generation. At the time of field survey, respondents said that there was no such practice of marriage by formal split of the clan after certain generations. Several clans in the study area found to have an uninterrupted clan continuity of more than eighteen generations. Bhairung is the main basis of sorting the relations of father’s and mother’s blood/bansha/ancestor, marriageable (Kutumba) or other relations. Besides Bhairung, Totem (gotra) and Branch (Shakha) are also the basis of relation classification for marriage purpose. Some names of Bhairungs are similar to the name of Bhairav, more terrifying aspects of Shiva which is often depicted with frowning, angry eyes and sharp, tiger teeth and flaming hair stark naked except for garlands of skulls and a coiled snake around the neck. In four hands, Bhairav carries a noose, trident, drum, and skull and is often shown accompanied by a dog. However, Bhairung has no image, it is invisible, and it is only a belief of Jogi people as their ancestral origin/Kul/clan. Bhairav has eight manifestations or names, including Kala (black), Asitanga (with black limbs), Sanhara (destruction), Ruru (hound), Krodha (anger), Kapala (Skull), Rudra (storm) and Unmatta (raging). It proves that the names of Bhairav are only eight but the names of Bhairung are 52, although few names are similar which may happen because the names of both are derived from the names and forms of evil spirits. This implies that Bhairav and Bhairung, though there are some similarities, are not quite same and both have different meaning, role and spiritual beliefs.

4. The Pheri culture: making of Pheriwala Jogi identity

The people locally address the Jogi people as Pheriwala who perform the Pheri ritual. Pheri ritual is one of the most important ethno-religious-spiritual attributes, continuously practiced, across both rural and urban spaces since time immemorial. They believe themselves to be the loyal disciples of Gorakhnath, as Gorakhnath knew the world is featured with innumerable evil spirits and authorized them to protect human beings from the evil spirits characterising the world. Pheri is very essential instrument to perform the ritual and other religious ritual performance. Some people know the Pheri as Shringinad (Kandel, 2004).  During the months of Chaitra (mid March – mid April) and Kartik (mid October- mid November), in the nights from 12 pm to 3 am, Pheriwala Jogi people visit every household in a village or a particular region and blow ‘Pheri” in four corners of the house as it is believed that evil spirits are active during that period. In the process, they produce a series of uncanny sounds supported by spiritual mantras often hard to decipher by ordinary people. They start to chant mantras before reaching to the house. After reaching to the house, they blow the Pheri in four corners of the house along with chanting mantras, and then they blow the Pheri near Main Pillar (mul tham) of ground floor inside the house and other floors of the house. The Pheriwalas have to visit at least nine houses in one night and should go alone to perform the Pheri ritual. They spend half an hour to one hour in each house to perform this ritual. The other people should not look at the Pheri or touch it. 

The next morning, they collect alms or what they also call Navadan from the individual households of the village/region where they have performed the Pheri ritual in the night. In the morning they say ‘Jai Gorakhnath’ standing in front of main gate of house and collect the alms (Navadan), since they respect the Gorakhnath as their guru or teacher. They collect alms for the nau graha santi (peace to the nine planets of the solar system) for the members of the households. They believe, they have the power to carry along with them all the planetary problems of human being inflicted upon by different locations of nine planets revolving around the solar system. Rural people often wonder why Pheriwala did not visit their houses if, by chance, a particular village or a region is left out during the period. It is strongly imbibed within the culture of Nepali speaking households across Darjeeling, Sikkim, and Nepal. Superstitiously, Pheri phuknu or Pheri culture is one of the important ethno-religious-spiritual attributes in force across Nepal.

One Pheriwala visits one pre-demarcated village/region, as decided in advance in the common shelters. There is no overlap in the performance i.e. no two Pheriwalas perform in the same village at the same night. There are, however, cases when two Pheriwalas perform collectively. In that case, one of them would be a junior or a disciple who would be learning the lessons of Pheri ritual and the associated mantras from his senior or a master. 

This tradition has wide social recognition from all caste and ethnic groups in Nepal since time immemorial. Spiritually, this culture and tradition is being considered as social protection mechanism or system in Nepalese society. All the religious followers of Hinduism, Buddhism, Kirant, Animism and Tantrism, have strong belief in existence of ghosts and evil spirits. Comparatively, the Janajati communities (ethnic groups) of Nepal like Rai, Limbu, Tamang, Gurung, Magar, Tharu, Newar, Majhi, Chepang, Dhimal, Santhal etc have strong belief on the ghosts and different forms of evil spirits, their impact on human lives and need of the pacifying rituals. In this context, People believe that if Pheriwalas blow Pheri in the house supported by special mantras twice a year, no ghosts, preta and pichas (forms of evil spirits) would attack or create horror in the house for the whole year, all family member would be protected from illness or disease, family environment and relation would be peaceful, prosperity would come to the house, there is graha shanti in the house and the crop harvest would be very good. Due to these believes, the Pheri culture has been acknowledged by everyone as a religious, cultural, spiritual and social protection system. As a result, there is a wide social recognition to the Pheri culture. The Nepalese societies have great respect, affection, fidelity and faith over the Pheri culture and its ritualistic Pheriwala Jogi people. There is a client-patron relationship between Pheriwala Jogi and other ethnic communities because Pheriwalas are ritual shamanist to pacify the evil spirits through Pheri culture and other communities have confidence over the Pheriwalas' rituals. It has been recognized as distinct cultural attribute and identity in Nepalese society and its followers have been regarded as a separate ethnicity or ethnic group. 

A certain geographical region or area has been demarcated to the Pheriwala Jogis residing in all districts. It was said that traditionally Jogi people had their ethnic organization that distributed these areas to all Jogi families in a certain district and it mediated all the disputes related to Pheri ritual. For example: a certain area in Sankhuwasabha district was designated to the Jogi families of Sankhuwasabha district and similarly an area was designated to Jogi people in Tehrathum. They never interrupt each other's areas. Furthermore, in most of the cases, Jogi families in each district were divided into different villages based on their belonging to the same bhairung. As a result, only members of the same bhairung used to reside in one village and each bhairung used to get assigned certain villages to perform the ritual. But over the time, after marital relationship, the relatives of sons or daughters started to get migrated to son's or daughter's villages. Consequently, at present, we can find the mix settlements of Jogi families belonging to different Bhairungs due to migration and marriages. However, the certain geographical area is assigned to the Jogi families residing in certain geographical area. When the sons got separated from mul ghar, father provides them a Pheri, mantra and some villages to each son to perform Pheri ritual along with land and other property as Ansha (share of ancestral property).

The Pheri ritual is performed generally only by men. Women do not perform this ritual for security reason as the Pheri ritual must be performed only during night time (from 12 pm to 3 am). The women stay at home and take care of children, domestic animals and farming while the men go for Pheri ritual. Due to the patriarchal tendency, Jogi women have generally not been allowed to go alone far from home, which restrict them from performing the Pheri ritual. However, they are actively involved in economic activities of their families. While men are out of the house for Pheri ritual, women are responsible for their families. 

It was said that every new born Jogi male must perform the Pheri ritual at least once in his life time. Thus, almost all male Jogis used to be involved in performing the ritual in the past. The fathers and ritual performers educate all the children (particularly the boys) about Pheri culture, Bhairungs, animist/shamanist tradition and faith healing process during the Bhairung/Kul puja. The girls also can carry out the worship of Bhairung. But, only men are involved in executing Pheri culture, performing rituals and healing activities. After being inducted on the Pheri ritual, the boys can participate in Pheri ritual. Generally, the fathers go to the Pheri ritual together with their sons and the elders brothers go together with younger brothers. In the past, the Jogi children did not use to go schools due to lack of awareness and poverty. So, the children aged above seven years used to accompany to their fathers, elder brothers and uncles to perform Pheri ritual during the months of Kartik and Chaitra every year. During Pheri ritual, the fathers and elder brothers socialize their children about Pheri culture and teach them about the mantras/spells and procedure of blowing Pheri in the house. When the children Jogis get matured, they also go for Pheri ritual together with their younger brothers. In this way, the culture of Pheri ritual, Bhairung Puja and healing tradition are transferred from one generation to another, from fathers to sons.

However, over the years, Pheriwalas started to conduct Pheri ritual at any time (beyond the Kartik and Chaitra months) as occupation, for their survival, because of their state of extreme poverty. Pheriwalas were scolded and neglected by the people when they were performing the Pheri ritual beyond Kartik and Chaitra months.  Hence, the young generation of Pheriwalas seem to be less interested to carry forward this odd and old tradition. Jogis themselves feel that they have been gradually deviating from their historical-cultural attribute over the time and they seem reluctant in performing the Pheri ritual. Unfortunately, non-Pheriwalas Jogi people also adopted this culture, ritual as they saw it as a good source of income. They started to visit the areas, where Pheriwalas also perform the rituals, at any time and preformed the rituals for the daan. Consequently, the Pheri ritual lost its virgin spirituality, religious and cultural attachment and trust from other people and communities. Subsequently, the present young generation of Jogis do not want to follow the Pheri culture by performing it in public sphere because of humiliation and for being blamed for begging. This has led some youths to change their surname from Jogi to something else, according to their personal preference. It was found that at least four youths have changed their family name from Jogi in the study area. The disarray in religious-cultural beliefs of Pheri culture, its transformation into occupation and reluctance of youth generation to follow this tradition have resulted in declining of Pheri culture which jeopardizes it and even challenges the ethnic and socio-cultural identity of Pheriwala Jogi community.

4.1 Mantras to be chanted during Pheri blowing:

The Jogi elders use different mantras (spells) during Pheri ritual. There is variation in mantras by place, age group and generation and by use of language. The elders have more knowledge about the mantras while young people generally have very little knowledge about it and they cannot even pronounce the mantras properly. The Pheri ritual is a kind of tantrism. Through the mantras and blowing of the Pheri, Jogis perform this ritual by worshiping and praying to please the Almighty for the protection of human beings, using uncommon super power of Bhairungs. They pray for air, water, fire, sky and the land in their mantras urging their 52 Bhairungs to please them and to protect human beings from different kind of evil spirits. In all the mantras, Pheriwalas pronounce the name of various Bhairungs and natures and request for power to defeat all forms of evil spirits. 

It is believed that the different kinds of evil spirits (ghosts, khyak, kitchkani, kankal-kawoncha, bhauta, preta, pisach etc) appear time to time in human houses and create horror in the mind of the people. These evil spirits hypnotize people and lead them to death or drive them crazy or chronic sickness. Ghosts and many other kinds of phantom like evil spirits easily bring uneasy disturbance in human life and snatch human peace and happiness, disturb human mind by spreading fear in the living beings, give a lot of unbearable pain and anxiety or simply put them in a dilemma about their sanity, this way or the other (Bajracharya, 2005).

In addition to performing Pheri ritual, Pheriwala Jogis also play a role of traditional ethno-spiritual faith healers. Pheriwalas Jogis, by spelling the ritual tantric spell, infuse their powerful spell over the people and get them out of misery, illness, crisis, famine or other problems. They take them away from the clutch of the evil and black spirits that always push people to trouble, pain, problem and misery. During healing, Jogis provide a Jantra that is a crystal medicine religiously prepared with secret ritual spell to the patients that should be hung unseemly round the neck so that evil spirits and black spirits could not attack them easily. They also provide the spelled water (Jal) to drink so that the patients feel to be free from pain in the body. They also give spelled ash, which is known as Bibhuti that is to be marked on forehead so that they feel to be Phree from the misery of the disease. These are all the tantric methods of Buddhism (Vajra Yana) as well. These are the requisites for Jogis to heal the diseases through the tantric doctrine. The Jogis also give some rudrakshya to the people while healing because it is taken as a means of protection of life from evil spirits and other bad and negative beings. 

The Pheriwala Jogi people get special request from people at the night for healing their sick members and they immediately heal them using the above methods. While healing, they request for power with bhairung and the Pheri and they demand some special daan with people in the name of offering sacrifice to the Pheri. In the following day, the relatives of ill persons offer special daan (black goat or cock/hen, black clothes, metal, money etc) as demanded by Jogis. Many healing practices also take place during day time while collecting alms/daan.

The Pheriwalas' mantras are considered as pre-vaidik mantras. In general, the mantras pray to natural powers such as air, water, fire, sky and land requesting to protect human beings from different kind of evil spirits. The mantras urge the super powers of various 52 Bhairungs against the evil spirits. A mantra collected from Pheriwala elder is presented below in his own words (in Nepali roman):

Jala bhairung, Thal bhairung, Agni bhairung ko shaktile Akash badhu, patal badhu,

Bal bhairung, Narsingh bhairung, Seti bhairung, Thingala bhairung ko shaktile bhuta maru, preta maru chheda maru, bheda maru

Vajra bhairung, Batuki bhairung, Kal bhairung, Laure bhairung, Rakta bhairung, Chanchal bhairung ko shaktile yasai ghar dwar charai sur badhi rakshya garau, Boksi, dainiko gyana maru

Dare mashan, Hwangre mashan, Danda mashan, Khola mashan, Karabir mashan ko shakti jagau

Purba kali, Pashchim kali, Uttar kali, Dakshin kali, Rakta kali, Rupai kali, Danta kali, Bhashma kali, Chausathi kaliko Shakti jagau.

4.2 Role and relation of Pheri tradition in identity making of Jogi community

Religiously Pheriwala Jogi people are animistic and the whole doctrine of Pheri culture is based on animism and shamanism. In other words, it can be said that Pheri culture is based on tantric religious conviction and values. Pheri ritual is being performed to pray or worship the nature, and natural process of grains production system. Before the plantation season, in Chaitra month and before the harvesting season in Kartik month, Pheri ritual is performed in every house for the symbolic worship of nature. Pheri culture has religious, spiritual and cultural importance in day to day life of Pheriwalas themselves and other people in Nepalese society. Pheri culture is the main cultural, social and religious basis of construction of distinct ethnic identity and ethnicity of Pheriwala Jogi people. This is the key ethnic maker of Pheriwalas that sets them apart from other ethnic groups and cultures. A distinctive ethnicity and ethnic identity is being shaped, formulated and recognized in the Nepalese society for Pheriwala Jogi people based on the Pheri culture. The understanding and consciousness of Pheriwala Jogi people is also being developed towards separate ethnicity and ethnic identity group due to the Pheri culture and other cultural, religious practices, clan system, social organization and ethnic origin history associated with the Pheri culture. Over the time, Pheriwala Jogi people felt socially and culturally unrecognized by the state, despite their centuries old distinct identity, ethnicity and cultural reputation and began to explore their ethnic identity.

4.3 Linkage of Pheri tradition in naming of Jogi community as Pheriwala or Phree

“Phree” is one of the enlisted Indigenous Nationalities of Nepal, that owes its origins to the traditional cultural practice of roaming from village to village twice a year conducting the ‘Pheri' ritual. The group might have come to be known as Phree due to this practice (Pandeya, 2008). Pheriwala Jogi community also has the traditional Pheri cultural practice. At present, the people who write the family name “Jogi” in their formal official documents i.e. citizenship certificate, passport etc, only follow the “Pheri” ritual as their original culture. Those people who were identified as “Phree” ethnic group in few villages of Sindhupalchok, Kavrepalanchok, Makawanpur, Ramechhap and Lalitpur districts, are nowadays known as Jogi and use Jogi as their surname in formal documents. For that reason, no person can be found with Phree as a family name because all of them, who were/are identified as Phree, use the word Jogi as their family name. Informally, they also call themselves “Kambar”. The Pheriwala Jogis were called Kambar to identify them as Karma Nachalne in the history. This proves that currently called Jogi people are the same Phree people. Thapa (2000) argues that the enlisted Indigenous Nationality “Phree” may have come to be known as Phree by the traditional practice of “Pheri” ritual, a tradition/culture of Jogi/Kanwar (Kambar) people. He has suspected that the Pheriwala Jogi people could be Phree and the Phree people might have changed their family/surnames. He has also recommended to recognizing the Pheriwala Jogi as Phree in connection with Pheri culture or enlisting the Jogi community as Janajati based on the state of exclusion, backwardness and marginalization in the state services and opportunities. He further argues that Jogi people have been treated as low rank people, just like all the other Janajatis, by so called high caste people whereas the Janajatis, treat Jogi as equal.

5. Traditional religion and religious belief

There is no certain temple of Pheriwalas to worship and to perform religious rituals. In various occasions, they worship the natures and their gods following their own process. Pheriwala Jogi people are religiously animist, shamanist and tantric. They worship river, stream, tree, soil, air, so they are worshiper of nature. Their traditional guru Gorakhnath was also the originator of tantrism and Pheri culture based on animism/shamanism and tantrism. During Pheri culture, Pheriwalas pray to nature (river, air, soil, animal etc) and other super natural powers to please them. Pheriwalas also play a role of traditional ethno-spiritual faith healers based on shamanist values. In socio-cultural practices of Pheriwala Jogi community, there is no practice of age-ritual (bratabandha) and wearing of Janai (sacred thread), traditionally they did not use Brahman priests to perform their rites and rituals and there is no hierarchical varnashram system within Pheriwala Jogi community. That is one of the reasons why the religion of Pheriwala is not Hindu. Jogi people are close to animism and tantrism as they believe in tantra, mantra and ghosts (bhutpret) and perform the widely and socially accepted Pheri culture to protect the whole human beings from evil spirits.

They worship the bhairung at least once a year in Chandipurnima. The Kul puja is the main religious worship of Pheriwalas. Bhairung/Kul puja is considered as a household shrine of Pheriwala Jogi which is worshipped within the household with participation of all family members. Cocks and hens are sacrificed at the time of ritual. The number of cock and hen to be sacrificed varies according to the various bhairungs.  The Jand made three and one night before the bhairung puja with millet, a bottle of raksi, uncooked rice, two one side cooked bread (rot) made of rice flour (cooked in fire and ash), a bread (Babar) of rice flour cooked in mustard oil, fried soya-bean, some cow ghee and some plants are required for the bhairung puja. This rite is mainly concerned with household protection and prosperity. It is done to worship the ancestors so that the ancestors may protect them from enemies, sufferings, accidents which may occur during the year. The Pheriwala Jogis consider bhairung puja is the main protector of the household and source of aspiration and strength.  They also worship the Pheri during the bhairung puja to keep it effective and active for defeating the evil spirits. Every time when new crop is harvested, first the crop is to be offered to the bhairung or ancestors and every new made Jand, newly slaughtered meat and other food items are also to be offered in the time of first use. No outsiders are allowed to go even nearby the bhairung puja. 

When somebody becomes very sick, the elder member in the family immediately worships bhairung/Kul and Pheri requesting them free the sick person from illness. They do so by expressing regrets for known or unknown mistakes or ignorance in respect of bhairung and the Pheri. On the other hand, the traditional healers chant some Tantra/Mantra and give spelled water, Bibhuti (spelled ash) and Jantra to the sick person.

Nowadays, Pheriwalas Jogis pay respect to Hindu gods and goddess. They worship in Hindu temples and celebrate Hindu religious events and festivals. They depend upon Brahmin priests to perform their life cycle and birth rites, wedding and death rites. Nonetheless, their traditional culture and rituals are still based on animist and tantric religious and spiritual values.

6. Jogi ethnicity and making of “Pheriwala” Jogi identity

The culture, rituals, social organization/system, myths and some other elements construct the ethnic identity of the Pheriwala Jogi. Ghai (2000) argues: "Ethnicity is used here as a broad concept, covering a variety of factors which distinguish one group of people from others. Important contemporary distinctions are language, race, and religion and colour. When these markers cease to be mere means of social distinctions, and become the basis of political identity and claims to a specific role in the political process or power, ethnic distinctions are transformed into ethnicity”. Guneratne (2002) argues that the concept of ethnicity has been applied in a variety of ways in the study of cultural differences and social interaction. On the one hand, ethnicity is perceived as primordial and natural, on the other, ethnicity is viewed as being historically contingent, relational, and shaped by the material and social forces of the time, as cited by Guneratne (2002).

The two perspectives in the discussion of ethnic identity and nationalism are:  primordialist on one hand and the instrumentalist or modernist, on the other. According to the primordialist position, ethnic identity has always been an aspect of social identity. On the other hand, the instrumentalism is opposed to primordialism. Regarding ethnicity, the instrumentalist assumes that the idea being that the point of emphasizing ethnic distinctiveness is to gain some political or economic advantage. In discussion of nationalism, on the other hand, it is modernism that is opposed to primordialism: the claim being made here is that nationalism is essentially a modern phenomenon, not predating the eighteenth century (Gellner 2008). Modernists do not deny that ethnic categories, collections of people sharing a common language and/or culture, existed and often persisted in the pre-modern era (Gellner 2008:13).

Smith (1986) provides six characteristics or dimensions that make an ethnic category (cited by Gellner, 2008:14): a collective name, a common myth of descent, a shared history, a distinctive shared culture, an association with a specific territory and a sense of solidarity. Gellner prefers to say that when a given population shares a common language, a common culture, and a common attachment to a given territory, or at least a historical link to these shared features, it thereby constitutes an ethnic group. In his view, the six qualifications made by Smith, an ethnic group does not need to share a myth of common origin. These criteria mentioned above apply equally to the Pheriwala Jogi people. Where a group is large enough to dominate a given political unit, or may reasonably aspire to form its own, we have a nation. Where we are dealing with a minority, it is invariably labelled an ethnic group or community. The term "ethnicity" is generally confined to scholarly discourse and is parasitic on the expression 'ethnic group' (Gellner 2008:8). In this position, Pheriwala Jogi being a minority group can be categorized as an ethnic group or ethnicity.

Ethnic identity is not measured by checking off items in a list, it is relational and processual, and like any ethnic phenomenon, it must be understood in its historical context. It is infinitely malleable and changeable, unlike the concept of caste, which was built into it (despite ethnographic evidence to the contrary) the connotation of rigidity or inflexibility. Ethnicity, like nationalism, is about "the production of ideologies of people hood" (Fox 1990:3). The emphasis in that phrase, following on this understanding of ethnicity as processual, is clearly on production (Guneratne 2002:10).

The Pheriwala Jogi ethnic identity in Nepal is itself contingent upon the praxis of the state and upon the client-patron relationships that Pheriwalas have socially, religiously, culturally and spiritually established with other ethnic/social groups in relation to performance of Pheri ritual. For the Pheriwala Jogi, bhairungs (a social system/organization), Pheri culture and animist/shamanist religious traditions are such symbols in the construction of ethnicity, ethnic group. The above-discussed ritual practices indicate that they are an integral part of Pheriwala Jogi peoples' culture and identity. It can be understood that performing different rituals is a way for Pheriwala Jogis to construct their ethnic identity and ethnic boundaries. By this, they create a separate ethnicity for themselves and other people. According to the existing definitions, features and criteria to define an ethnic identity, distinct ethnicity, or Janajati, Pheriwala Jogi is an ethnic group (Janajati) based on its culture, ritual, tradition, socio-cultural relations, traditional practices and social organization. 

7. Conclusion

Pheriwala Jogi people are deprived from the access to positive initiatives taken by the government because of non-recognition of their ethnic identity. If Pheriwala Jogi had been given separate identity by being enlisted in the official schedule, they would be in a far better condition than the present one, as they would get equal share like other excluded groups. As Pheriwala Jogi is not included in the government list, though they fit the characteristics to be enlisted, it is clear that they are automatically among the most excluded groups. It can be concluded that Pheriwala Jogi and other non-recognized groups have suffered from multi-layers of exclusion and deprivation. Furthermore, they as an unrecognized community have no access to benefits of the affirmative action and  developmental projects lunched by the government, international organizations, donor agencies and NGOs, because all of them only refer to the official list of excluded social groups.

The Pheriwala Jogis possess variety of cultural attributes that differentiate them from other caste and ethnic groups. The Pheri culture in the context of this community is the essential part for the construction of an ethnicity or ethnic identity. The recognition of Pheriwala Jogi community as a separate ethnic group will help for their access to the resources and mainstream development. For that reason the government must enlist Pheriwala Jogi community as excluded, marginalized and minority ethnic group (Janajati) and initiate the process of inclusion. Immediately a thorough survey on socio-economic and demographic status of this community should be done. There should be a special provision and reservation in the state mechanisms, services and resources for this community to promote their inclusion and empowerment. Further in-depth research on Pheriwala Jogi community is suggested to conduct in order to document their age-old traditional knowledge, culture, and social organization and oral tradition that are disappearing in the courses of time.

Bibliography

Bajracharya,V. B.  (2005). Tantrism in Nepal. New Delhi: Adroit Publishers

Briggs, G. W. (1973): Gorakhnath and the Kanphata Yogis. Varanasi: Motilal Vanarasidas

Boullier, V. (1993). The Nepalese state and Gorakhanathi Yogis: The case of the former kingdoms of          Dang valley:18-19^th centuries. Contributions to Nepalese studies, CNAS/TU journal, Vol. 20, No 1.

Gaenszle, M (2000). Origins and Migrations: Kinship, Mythology and Ethnic Identity among the Mewahang Rai of East Nepal. Mandela Book Point, the Mountain Institute

Gellner, D. N (2008). Introduction. In Gallner, D. N, Pfaff-Czarnecka, and J. Whelpton (eds.) Nationalism and Ethnicity in Nepal, Kathmandu: Vajra Publications

Ghai Y. (2000). Ethnicity and Autonomy: A Framework for Analysis. In Gahi Yash (eds.). Autonomy and Ethnicity: Negotiating Competing Claims in Multi-ethnic States. Cambridge University, Press.

Guneratne, A. (2002). Many Tongues, One people, The making of Tharu Identity: New York: Cornell University press.

Kandel, R.P. (2004). Folk Nepali Music Instruments. Kathmandu: Nepali Lokbaja Sangrahalaya

Pandeya M.S. (2008). Indegenious Nationalities of Nepal. Kathmandu: Pairawi Publication.

Sharma, J.L. (1982). Hamro Samaj: Ek Adhyayan (Our Society: A Study). Kathmandu: Sajha Prakashan.

Thapa, R. (2000). Phree Jati Sambandhi Bistrict Khoj Anusandhan (Detail Research about Phree community). Kathmandu: National Indegenious Nationalities Development Committee.

Yogi N. (2022 BS). Itihas Prakash Sandhipatra Sangraha, Part 1.